Research Proposal
Bruce Hicks
California State
University, Dominguez Hills
NCR 507
Tamara Alexander, Ph.D.
February 15, 2015
Structural Violence, Street Gangs, and African Americans
Introduction
Los
Angeles is home to over 400 violent street gang with a combined gang membership
of just under 50,000 (LAPD, 2015). The County of Los Angeles is the largest
municipality in the nation and the second largest city in the United States,
only behind New York City (Santana, 2012). The County of Los Angeles has the largest
population of any county in the nation, with a total of 88 cities situated
within its borders (Santana, 2012).
Approximately 27 % of Californian residents call the 4,084-square-mile area
that encompasses Los Angeles County home (Santana,
2012).
Los Angeles is recognized
nationwide as the gang capitol of America (LAPD,
2015). There are more active gangs per capita in Los Angeles than any
other large municipality in the nation (LAPD,
2015). These gangs have been a reality on the streets of Los Angeles for
over four decades. Gang membership and the violence that is associated with it continue
to thrive in Los Angeles in spite of law enforcement efforts. Beginning with the crack cocaine epidemic of
the early 1980s’; the prosperous drug trade continues to drive gang membership
and violence, as rival gangs fight for territory and profit shares on the
streets of Los Angeles (LAPD, 2015).
As a youth growing up in Los Angeles, at a very young age I
was taught at to distrust the other African American boys who lived a few
blocks away. Whenever these boys would pass by our neighborhood my friends and
I would call them “crabs” a derogatory term for “Crip” gang members. My earliest
physical interaction with these other African American boys occurred at age 9 while
riding my bike with friends to the local store. The younger boys threw rocks at
us while two older boys beat us. The older boys were very aggressive and
disrespectful to us; this experience burned a polarizing image in my memory for
years to come that helped me eventually hate other African Americans who looked
just like me.
What I remember most about that experience was the fear that
I saw in the eyes of one of my best friends. A person, whom I always knew to be
fearless and strong, was reduced to a fearful and helpless state. At a young
age I developed a healthy disdain bordering upon hatred for the other African
American boys who lived a few blocks away. I did not know it, but at a very
young age I was being baptized into the violent African American street gang
known as the “Bloods”. In African American communities these types of shared
experiences between neighborhood children along with, wide spread poverty, and
unequal education and recreational opportunities lead to a general lack of an
identity. These conditions seem to help fuel
frustration and episodes of violence that permeate the African American
culture.
Galtung (1969)posit “peace can be
regarded as an absence of violence” (p. 168), violence nonetheless is a daily
occurrence in many American cities. Yet,
violence seems to affect urban communities at significantly higher levels than
most other American cities. In many communities nationwide street gangs have
taken over large sectors of communities adding a seemingly uncontrollable
component to the already perplexing social dilemma of violence. In cities like Los Angeles, African American
street gangs have been locked in a violent conflict for the last four decades.
These
street gangs, primarily the “Bloods” and “Crips” have come to symbolize the
urban experience of violence that plagues American cities. Although the
violence committed by street gangs has come to symbolize life in the ghetto. Vigil (2003) proclaims
that “it is the anti-social behavior however, that attracts the attention of
authorities as well as the general public” (p. 235), and has catapulted these
groups into the public consciousness. Escalating battles over resources and
turf wars for drug profits has caused this conflict to surge and migrate to
other American cities nationwide.
Although
“ No more than 10% of youths become gang members in most affected
neighborhoods’ (Vigil, 2003, p. 232),
survival in the urban ghettoes becomes a precarious proposition for most . For
instance, a number of my closest friends including my brother have been killed
by members of street gangs before they could reach the age of twenty-six. Some
of these young men were active combatants in street gangs. While others were
innocent by-standers who inexplicably loss their lives for something as
trivial, as wearing the wrong “colors” in the wrong area of the Los Angeles.
However,
African American street gangs have not always populated the landscape of Los Angles.
Prior to the 1970s’ gang violence was still associated with Whites in East
coast and Midwest cities (Vigil, 2003). Vigil, (2003) posit that “Today gangs
are made up largely of darker-hue ethnic groups especially African-Americans
and Latin Americans and handguns and other military hardware are the typical
vehicle for acts of aggression and violent rampages so common in large
cities…”(p. 226). This study seeks to examine some of the dynamics that thrust
certain segments of the African American population into these violent street
gangs and the structural dynamics that also play an important role in the
creation of violent street gangs.
LITERATURE REVIEW
This
literature review will include a discussion on the following five areas: (a) Structural
violence, (b) ethnic minority groups in America, (c) urban violence and street
gangs, (d) the ghettoization of Los Angeles, and (e) violent African American
rebellions. We begin this section with a discussion on structural violence as
presented by Galtung (1969).
Structural Violence
Galtung (1969) uses
emprical and theorethical techniques to examine peace as it relates to
violence. He does this
by examining divergent viewpoints concerning direct and indirect instances of
violence. Galtung (1969) examines
violence in the context of a social political structure, specifically in the
context of a capitalistic environment. Looking through the lenses of a postposivists
persective Galtung (1969) evaluates the
accumulated costs of structural “ social
injustices” on persons in society who are classified as
“underdogs”, (low on income, low in education,
low on health and low on power). Galtung (1969) also
examines structural factors that lead to an inequitable distribution of power
by those classified as “top dogs” in the structure.
Galtung (1969)makes the argument that
the definition of peace is the absence of violence. He later offers a number of definitions of violence with the basic
being that violence can be broken down into two forms. Direct violence, which Galtung (1969) regards as an act that one person does to
another, in essence a physical act such as murder or other forms of physical
violence. Violence he suggests can also
be indirect in that it can be a form of prolonged deprivation (starvation,
denying access to needed medical attention). Concerning this indirect violence
which he terms “structural violence” Galtung
(1969) posit “if insight and or
resources are monopolized by a group or class or are used for other purposes
then the actual level fall below the potential level and violence is present in
the system”(p. 169).
In
regards, to this type of deprivation derived violence were the system or
structure is set up socially in such a way that it blocks a group of people
from basic human needs such as education, access to power, jobs or other
tangible human necessities. Then these social injustices may be classified as
indirect violence as contained in a socially assembled structure. Galtung (1969) theorized that “violence is
present when human beings are being influenced so that their actual somatic and
mental realizations are below potential realizations” (p. 168). The
capitalistic nature of the United States links money and or resources to
mobility in society. In the same way lack of access to resources also inhibits
the growth of those without money and or a resource setting those persons on a
path that eventually constrains their life expectancy (Galtung, 1969). Is this
another form of violence? Although
indirect, does it not still produce the same intended consequences as direct
violence (murder).The structure in question, can and or maybe responsible in
that the design of the system constrain the growth of a subsector of individuals
or group (Galtung, 1969).
Galtung (1969) research revealed that in a society where
there are so many technological advances in the areas of medicine the structure
is responsible for the death of individuals if it is designed in such a way
that its members are dying from manageable health diseases that are now found
to be controllable by inoculation. If the
system refuses to offers such health concerns to individuals then the structure
of the system is aiding in the murder and maiming of individuals within the system (Galtung, 1969).
In
this regard persons of low economical and educational status are unduly denied
access to resources that are readily available to others in the system; keeping
large segments of a population in a state of suspended kinesis (Galtung, 1969). The violence although indirect
is thus built into the design of the structure and, though there may not be any
one person who is directly responsible for the unequal distribution of resources(Galtung, 1969), all the same “the violence is
built into the structure and shows up as unequal power and unequal life chances”
(Galtung, 1969, p. 171). Galtung (1969)
further explains that:
“When
the structure is threatened, those who benefit from structural violence, will
try to preserve the status quo…to protect their interest. In other words they may mobilize the police
army the thugs, the general social underbrush against the sources of the
disturbance, and remain themselves in more secrete, remote seclusion from the
turmoil of personal violence. And they can do this as an extrapolation of
structural violence; the violence committed by the police is personal by
definition, yet they are called into action by expectations deeply rooted in
the structure… they are simply doing their jobs” (p. 179).
Galtung (1969) reseach provides a thorough
analysis of the varying perspectives of violence. This examination chronicled
in great detailed the effects that social injustices has on large segments of a
population. Including the inherent effects that “monopolizing of resources” has
on the mortality rates of those denied access to resources. Galtung (1969) analyzed the effects that
“White flight” has upon the community such as erosion of the tax base,
declining property values and forced community deterioration leading to
juvenile delinquency.
I
would have liked for, Galtung (1969) to
perform a more thorough analysis on the effects that social injustice has on minorities, specifically
African Americans. Although I believe that it is implied that he is referring
to minorities when he talks about persons of (low on income, low in education,
low on health and low on power). A more thorough analysis of that target
population may have revealed more information of the effects of structural
violence on that group.
Ethnic
minority groups in America
Phinney (1996) reseach
on ethnic minoritiy groups purports that ethnic groups are frequently understood to be a part of a separate collection of
individuals which comprises a certain region which explains some aspect of
their origin. (Phinney, 1996) suggests
that to appreciate the multidimensional facets of ethnicity, it is essential to
consider all the aspects that go into evaluating individual ethinic groups. In
this examination three specific
questions are adressed for guiding the study. First how do cultural norms and values associate
with minority status? Second , how does strength, salience, and the meaning of ethnic identity
associate with minority status? Lastly,
how are experiences and attitudes associated with minority status?
The focus of the study is on ethnic
groups of color in the United States, groups that are non –European in origin,
primarily African-Americans, Asians, Pacific Island Americans, Latinos
and Native Americans. Phinney, (1996)
reseach suggest that in the United
States ethnic groups are generally
classified by their race and place of origin. For instance, the term African-
American implies that the individual is of African origin
. It is actually a identifier that refers to ethnicity alone, however society uses this to assign race to a person (Phinney, 1996) . Nonetheless, ethnic categories such as the
above referenced have proven to be aspecious
means to categorize groups of people. Given that “race
derives largely from the way in which one is responded to by others, on the basis
of visible charateristics … skin color and facial features, and the
implications of such responses for ones’s life chances and sense of identity”( (Phinney,
1996,p. 919).
Previous
researchers have found that the term “minority” is synonymous with an imbalance
of access and resources within the larger framework of society (Sue, 1991).
Moreover, there is a growing consensus among members of certain ethnic
groups that ethnicity is not a prominent part of European-Americans
(Caucasians) identities. In effect, many minorities characterize ethnic
identity as intimately linked to their standing and experiences in society.
Research has also indicated that ethnic groups are often disproportionately
represented in positions of authority and experience unequal social injustices
and persistent experiences of racial bias (Dovidio,
1986).
This includes predictable psychological
outcomes that are associated with extended periods of slavery, deprivation,
racial segregation and wholesale oppression (Gaines,
1995) .In reference to African Americans as an ethnic group; research
suggests that many of the aforementioned negative consequences are just one
part of the “triple quandary” effect faced by this minority group. Given that
in addition to negative psychological outcomes associated with social
injustices there is the dual proposition of being Black and being American
(Boykins and Toms, 1985). Thus putting African Americans in danger of a
perplexing dual personality conflict; not totally Black, not totally American,
all in all totally “unreconciled” (DuBois,
1989).
Phinney (1996) analysis revealed
that minorities are considered to be of lower status in society. Further, minorities experience discrimination
in society based upon a complex list of variables which includes personal
experiences with prejudice, the history and or status of the ethnic group
followed by personal responses to discrimination and stereotypes. Although past
research has sought to identify key factors that are associated with this type
of behavior towards minority groups (Dovidio,
1986). More research is needed to analyze how patterns of prejudice and
discrimination affect the psychological outcomes of ethnic groups as a whole.
Urban
violence and street gangs
Vigil (2003) study of
street gangs and urban violence used two specific questions to guide the
research. First, what causes urban street gang violence? And how
can we better understand the forces that shape this type of adolescent and
youth behavior? Vigil (2003) uses
entographic strategies to examine this group and its subculture of violence.The
focus of this study is on ethnic groups in urban communities primarirly of
Latin and African Americans descent.
Any
discussion concerning street gangs brings to it an overwhelming concern that
street gangs constitute a very serious threat to public safety by way of
violent anti-social behavior. In fact, street gangs have been regarded as the
foremost public safety hazard facing ethnic minorities in inner city neighborhoods
(Canada, 1995). Research has shown that
street gangs have become adept at using varying forms and levels of violence to
further enhance their standing in the lucrative drug trade (Zimring, 1998). These turf battles over drugs
have come to include such acts of direct violence as beat-downs, stabbings,
shootings and the widespread use of vehicles to commit drive-by shootings
directed at rival gang members (Zimring, 1998).
Research
also suggests that much of the above-mentioned violence is committed by male
youths from ethnic groups comprised predominantly of Latin and African American
descent, from impoverished urban communities (Cook,
1998). Research estimates that consistent and persistent drug use by
gang members plays a major role in the violence committed by these groups of
individuals; in that it is a correlating and influencing factor that restricts
the mental faculties of users (Klein and Maxson,
1994). Moreover, past studies have revealed that the aforementioned
cohorts are keenly aware of their circumstances which include the realization
that they live in filthy overcrowded neighbors, have limited access to
educational and employment opportunities and are subjected to oppressive law
enforcement officials (Vigil , 2002)
Furthermore,
it has been estimated that schools within urban neighborhoods with heavy
concentrations of ethnic groups specifically Latino and African Americans. Have
a poor track record of offering substantive education opportunities when
compared to other segments of the population (Vigil,
1999). Research has also revealed that urban communities are victimized
by lax zoning and code enforcement by government agencies which have
contributed to urban blight and decay not seen in affluent neighborhoods (Vigil, 1999). Research has also revealed that
the mass exodus of factories and good paying jobs from urban communities forced
both parents into the work force creating a generation of latch key kids (Hagedorn, 1998).
The
current literature revealed that ethnic groups are resilient and able to adapt
to deplorable human conditions in all its forms. Including a stunning array of
social-economic factors and distributive injustices designed to cripple and
impede the growth of these groups. Vigil J. D. (2003) analysis revealed that
multiple marginality (social control, subculture of violence, and social
economic factors,) are contributing factors that help understand why Latin and
African Americans join gangs. Vigil J. D.(2003) provided a plethora
of literature that among other things
noted explanatory undercurrents showing a framework that may explain
causality. However, this literature lacked data that could possibly explain why
these individuals become violent. More
research is needed to analyze how multiple marginality affect members of these
ethnic groups decision to not only join a gang but become violent as well.
The
Ghettoization of Los Angeles
Brown, Vigil, and
Taylor (2012) research examined the migration of African
Americans from Southern states to Los Angeles beginning around the turn of the
20th century. Included in this examination is a brief discussion on
racially discriminatory practices that led to the ghettoization of communities
populated by African Americans. Brown et al.
(2012) go on to chronicle the history of marginalization of this ethnic group
in Los Angeles as well as the social and economic factors that facilitated the
formulation and eventual growth of violent African American street gangs in the
city of Los Angeles. Brown et al. (2012) used a phenomenological
research strategy to study the cultural phenomenon of African American gangs in
Los Angeles
The
burgeoning conversation among Black scholars suggest that historical levels of
job discriminations have forced African Americans to be subjugated to unskilled
low paying jobs (Brown et al. 2012) .This they argue has led to a narrow
economic base that has not only constrained the expansion and economic growth
of African Americans; but has also acted as a pseudo invisible barrier,
trapping African Americans in dilapidated, overcrowded and underserved urban
communities (Brown et al. 2012). Brown et al. (2012) research revealed that early
African American settlers to Los Angeles were relegated to small cramped
sections of the city. Past research has
indicated that the physical and or psychological marshalling of ethnic groups
into areas that are bereft of reputable social and economic conditions results in
mass feelings of helplessness (Vigil 1987).
The
most recent research suggest that invisible barriers created by prejudice such
as job discrimination and restrictive housing covenants have aided in the creation of ghettoes and
other type of ethnic enclaves in American (Brown et al. 2012). These invisible
barriers help mainstream society keep ethnic minority groups isolated (Brown et
al. 2012). Although America was integrated some four decades ago segregation
persists at certain levels. Recent research
also suggests that overcrowding in urban communities, conflicts for scarce
resources and prevalent racism in America are crucial motivators that steer
African Americans into violent street gangs (Brown et al. 2012).
Moreover,
past research has found that job discrimination and low paying jobs forced both
mother and fathers of Black families into the work force to earn enough to
support their families (Brown et al. 2012). Researchers also revealed that
often African American mothers endured extended periods away from their
children and families which created widespread juvenile delinquency in Los
Angeles (Brown et al. 2012). While these youths were left to their own devices
they were simultaneously denied access to public facilities and social groups
in Los Angeles. Furthermore, researchers estimate that a sort of “cultural
depression” began to take hold of these youths that resulted in a shared mental
state that included feelings of loneliness and “inferiority” (Brown et al.
2012).
Finally,
government oversight in African American communities was meager at best.
Buildings in the urban communities of Los Angeles were often filthy blots on
the landscape that quickly turned into public safety hazards (Brown et al.
2012). Around this time integration
began to be implemented in cities throughout Los Angeles County. This
examination revealed that Blacks in an effort to protect themselves against
White gangs opposed to integration; began forming gangs to battle this new
threat (Brown et al. 2012). African
American fleeing from agrarian Southern states continued to fuel a population
explosion in Los Angeles. Whites fled many areas like South Central and Watts
in droves as more and more African Americans flooded the city (Brown et al.
2012).
In
the late sixties to early seventies Los Angeles Blacks responded to the new
wave of enlightenment brought upon by the Black Panther party. Los angles
Blacks experienced a newfound togetherness which was very short-lived. By the
early seventies Black gangs had morphed from community protection to community destruction
(Davis, 1992). Research further revealed the transition from
the Black Panther party to violent Black street gangs was a quick and distressing
period for many in the African American community (Brown et al. 2012). Regrettably,
the polarizing effects of gang violence in urban communities only helped to further marginalize this community and
exacerbate some of the other well-known malaises of ghetto life. Including a
variety of socio-economic topics such as, overcrowding, underperforming
schools, and racial profiling, punctuated by repressive law enforcement methods
The concept of “multiple marginality” emerged
in the literature to as a theoretical frame work to address the many social,
cultural, economic and psychological issues that lead to participation in
street gangs (Vigil, 2002). This
examination revealed some of the challenges that early African American
settlers faced when they migrated to Los Angeles. As well it detailed through
accompanying literature the ongoing discussions on “Critical Race Theory” as it
relates to racism in America and the mobility of African Americans (Dixson & Rousseau, 2006). However,
although this examination was able to show correlating links and causations as
to why gangs formed in Los Angeles, it failed to answer the question of
violence. As in, why are street gang members prone to violent acts? More
research should be conducted to address this capricious behavior.
Violent
African American rebellions
Worgs
(2006) examination analyzed the African American experience as it relates to
violent rebellion throughout history. Worgs (2006) analyzed the effects that
oppression plays in violent rebellions including the roles that retribution and
inclusion have in this discussion. Worgs (2006) examines African American
artistry in the form of books, music and literary works in an effort to
determine if the conditions of oppression do in fact justify violence. Worgs (2006) uses a grounded research theory
to analyze the “fantasies” and realities of violence in African American history.
Research
has suggested that African Americans have a long storied history of being
victimized by differing forms of violence Worgs (2006). Routinely the dominant
cultures in society (Whites) have been found to be the antagonist supplying
varying and unequal forms of direct violence (slavery) and indirect violence
(racial discrimination) to this ethnic group Worgs (2006). In effect because of systemic biases built
into the government structure African Americans have had a difficult time
trusting those who have been charged to protect their civil liberties (i.e.,
law enforcement and public officials) Worgs (2006). Research has indicated that throughout
history in many cases African Americans have had to band together to protect
themselves from violent attacks from the dominant culture in society (i.e.,
Deacons of Defense of Justice, Black Panther Party) Worgs (2006).
Worgs
(2006) research revealed that African Americans have used mass rioting
throughout history in an effort to bring about social change on some of the
most pressing issues of the day. Worgs (2006) research further revealed that
the earliest riots consisted of Whites attacking African American communities
in an effort to destroy these communities. The postmodern riots such as the Watts
riots and Los Angeles riots are symbolic in that these riots consisted of
African American attacking representatives of the “White” power structure
(e.g., police) Worgs (2006). Past research has suggested that these violent
acts such as rioting by African American are directly linked to frustration
which is thus linked to the relative deprivation ideology that suggest violence is somehow linked to
frustration and aggression (Rule, 1988).
Worgs
(2006) analysis reveals that African Americans are willing to resort to
violence when they are faced with extended periods of oppression, their civil
liberties are violated or they feel vulnerable to violent acts by others.
Moreover, this examination revealed a history of violent resistance beginning
in the slavery era continuing to the civil rights movement of the sixties. In
this regard African American viewed violent resistance within the context of
survival Worgs (2006). However, the idea
that violence somehow rights the wrongs of the oppressed is deceptively
advanced in this analysis. Other
researchers have argued against this premise by suggesting that the threat and
or use of violence does not offer a salient solution for oppression (Kebede, 2001). This examination failed to
offer any substantive data to evaluate why African American in this study chose
violence over other means of redress. Further, more research is needed to
examine the link between the effects of social injustices and violence in
African American communities.
Methodology
The
purpose of this study is to determine the impact that structural violence has
on ethnic minority groups specifically African Americans in Los Angeles County.
This study will seek to examine if a
correlation exists between structural violence, African Americans and the
creation of street gangs in the County of Los Angeles. The goal of this study
is to identify potential interventions to diminish the impact that structural
violence and street gangs has on the next generation of African American youths
in Los Angeles County.
Youths
from ethnic minority groups such as African American are at a high risk of gang
involvement for a number of reasons. Overpopulation in urban communities has
led to higher amounts of conflicts over scarce resources in public spaces.
Blight, urban decay and military like policing strategies, coupled with
imbalanced educational opportunities have left many in this target population
feeling ostracized and frustrated. The identification of methodologies to
empower this targeted population may help ameliorate mass feelings of
frustration and create strategies for gang intervention and prevention. These
methodologies and strategies may help reduce and or eliminate the threat of
gang violence for members of this ethnic minority group and citizens of Los
Angeles for generations to come.
The
primary research question asks; is there a correlation between structural
violence and the creation of violent African American street gang in Los
Angeles County? I will conduct this study from the social constructivist
worldview because as an African American male I have always wonder why we as a
group gravitate to violent street gangs. As a former street gang member who has
lost many friends and relatives to this cultural phenomenon. I have always
sought to understand not only the dynamics that push certain segments of the
population to street gangs but the structural dynamics that may also play an
important role in the creation of violent street gangs. The social
constructionist worldview will allow me the latitude needed to understand the
processes of interaction between individuals in this ethnic minority group and
the societal structure that this conflict is contained within.
This
study will use a qualitative research design to examine the aforementioned
research question. I will use narrative research to study the life and
experiences of one former and one active African American street gang member.
This research design is appropriate because it will allow me to fuse
experiences and points-of view from my life with those of the individuals in
the study. As an African American born and raised in Los Angeles who has
extensive life experiences in urban communities. I believe that the narrative research
will allow for the best representation of both the subjects participant perspectives
and my perspectives as a researcher, African American and ex- street gang
member.
Limitations
The
limitations of this researcher are as followed: a lack of substitutive
literature that examines why African Americans choose violence over other forms
of redress, the obvious bias of the researcher, generality of literature
concerning social injustices, time constraints, and small survey size. Although
the literature on why African Americans choose violence would have helped this
analysis the literature is limited to narrow peer reviewed literature on
structural violence, ethnicity, urban street gang violence and social
injustices. As a member of the targeted ethnic minority
group and ex-gang member these realities have shaped the perspective that I view
this conflict from. This may limit and generalize the studies ability to be
used in other genres however this is an
acceptable limitation given the purpose of this study is to examine the structural and social dynamics that aid in the creation of violent street gangs.
Human
Subjects
The
proposed study poses little to no risk to subjects. Any privacy concerns to the
participant will be alleviated by keeping names and or other references of the
subject participants confidential. The
subject participants will not be compensated for their participation in the
study. Ethical issues may
